Peter Čuroš

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2021). Civil Society Organizations for and with the Courts and Judges - Struggle for the Rule of Law and Judicial Independence: The Case of Poland 1976-2020. German Law Journal. ISSN 2071-8322. 22(7), s. 1344–1384. doi: 10.1017/glj.2021.72.
• Bojarski, Lukasz (2019). "TO JEST NASZ SĄD". SĄD ROZUMIEJĄCY I ZROZUMIAŁY. I Grajewski, Krzysztof (Red.), Konstytucja.Praworzadnosc. Wladza sadownicza. Aktualne problemy trzeciej wladzy w Polsce. . Wolters Kluwer. ISSN 978-83-8160-688-2. s. 197–245.
• Bojarski, Lukasz (2019). Krajowa Rada Sądownictwa. I Zalasiński, Tomasz (Red.), Jak przywrócić państwo prawa?. Fundacja im. Stefana Batorego. ISSN 978-83-65882-91-2. s. 68–115.
• Bojarski, Lukasz (2019). "To jest nasz sad" , Konsytucja Praworzadnosc Wladza Sadownicza. Wolters Kluwer. ISSN 978-83-8160-688-2. s. 197–245.
• Bojarski, Lukasz (2019). "To jest nasz sad". Sad rozumiejacy i zrozumialy. . I Grajewski, Krzysztof (Red.), Konstytucja.Praworzadnosc. Wladza sadownicza. Aktualne problemy trzeciej wladzy w Polsce. . Wolters Kluwer. ISSN 978-83-8160-688-2. s. 197–245.

Se alle arbeider i Cristin

• Bojarski, Lukasz; Grajewski, Krzysztof; Kremer, Jan; Ott, Gabriela & Zurek, Waldemar (2019). Konstytucja. Praworządność. Władza sądownicza. Aktualne problemy trzeciej władzy w Polsce. Wolters Kluwer Polska. ISBN 978-83-8160-688-2. ISSN 1897-4392(ISSN 1897-4392). 616 s. Vis sammendrag

  Problematyka władzy sądowniczej, której poświęcono książkę, jest omawiana z kilku perspektyw: konstytucyjnej, w tym podstawowych zasad ustroju politycznego państwa, unijnej oraz ustawowej. W opracowaniach przeanalizowano większość zmian ustawowych odnoszących się do trzeciej władzy, systematycznie wprowadzanych od 2015 r. W większości są to analizy krytyczne. Odnoszą się one m.in. do: Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, Sądu Najwyższego, Krajowej Rady Sądownictwa, ale także do takich sfer, jak np. status prawny sędziego. Zaletą przedkładanej czytelnikom publikacji jest spojrzenie na analizowane zagadnienia nie tylko z punktu widzenia standardów konstytucyjnych lub międzynarodowych, lecz także praktyki działania sądów i sędziów, jak również wskazanie konsekwencji wprowadzanych zmian w sferze statusu prawnego człowieka i obywatela. W książce ponadto omówiono m.in. postępowania dyscyplinarne i inne środki mogące wpływać na niezawisłość sędziego, proces selekcji kadr sędziowskich, model kształcenia sędziów, postępowanie prejudycjalne czy pojęcie sądu w traktatach unijnych. Autorami tekstów są osoby pochodzące z grona prawniczych środowisk naukowych, sędziowie, a także przedstawiciele innych zawodów prawniczych (adwokaci, radcy prawni) oraz organizacji obywatelskich, których przedmiotem działania jest problematyka związana z funkcjonowaniem wymiaru sprawiedliwości.

• Bojarski, Lukasz; Grajewski, Krzysztof; Kremer, Jan Am M.; Ott, Gabriela & Zurek, Waldemar (2019). Konsytucja Praworzadnosc Wladza Sadownicza. Wolters Kluwer. ISBN 978-83-8160-688-2. 616 s.

Se alle arbeider i Cristin

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2021). [Ombudsman before the tribunal]. Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.. ISSN 2080-6744. s. D2–D3. Vis sammendrag

  [Because of politicians, including those in tribunal gowns, instead of discussing the achievements of the Ombudsman, we are dealing with "removing Bodnar"]

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2020). [Judicial Resistance Movement]. Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.. ISSN 2080-6744. s. D2–D3. Vis sammendrag

  [The discussion on judicial activism is not new and is taking place not only in Poland. We have a chance to develop standards. A month ago, on the night of 12/13 December 2020, a draft law, commonly known as the 'muzzle law', was posted on the website of the Sejm. The authorities were in such a hurry to gag the judges, after the November judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the judgment of the Supreme Court of 5 December 2019, that they were not afraid of obvious comparisons with the martial law imposed on the night of December 12/13, 1981. The traditional swindle was used, calling the governmental bill a parliamentary one, to bypass the necessary consultations. The Sejm passed the act after a week, on December 20, in just over a day. [...] There is real resistance from judges and the judiciary. We are witnessing an individual resistance from individual judges - incl. through participation in public debate, in protests, through criticism of the authorities' moves, or refusal to appear before the disciplinary spokesman. We are also witnessing a collective resistance of different groups of judges, both informal and formal, like general assemblies of courts, which refuse to give opinions on candidates for judges for the neo-NCJ, or judicial associations organising various actions to defend independence. Resistance against attacks on independence takes place in court, within the adjudication and administrative procedures, but also outside the court, in a public debate, on the street, in international contacts. This judicial resistance requires documentation and analysis. But it is obvious that its scale is remarkable and unprecedented.]

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2020). [Everything vice versa, or alphabet of the 'deform']. Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.. ISSN 2080-6744. s. D2–D3. Vis sammendrag

  [We must try to understand the world around us. And it is not easy when words do not mean what they mean. A like anarchy Unfortunately, this is where we are going. Who is a judge and who is not? What is a ruling, and what is not? Which authority is a real authority and which is not? In the end, what is the law and what is not? The rulers promised us the reform, which was to improve everything, but they gave us instead a more and more deepening crisis. They promised "true justice" and we have more and more of a clinch. Those from the Ministry of Justice, in their twenties- and early thirties, instruct us what is a verdict of the Supreme Court, and what is not, informing unscrupulously that the Supreme Court (three combined Chambers!) had no right to deliver a verdict, and generally what the court does is illegal. I do not know what it will lead to. Will the expected decisions of Luxembourg and Brussels change anything - huge financial penalties for non-performance of CJEU judgments or reduction of EU subsidies for countries with the rule of law problem? [...] Politicians so far do not want to step back. And their proponents, including, unfortunately, a group of judges, are obedient as only henchmen might be, and probably are also afraid, because they have already walked too far ... and on the other hand, decent lawyers can not step back, because what would that mean? That they agree that the fake (double) judges are true judges, that European law and CJEU judgments are not the law and there is no need to apply them, that 60 judges of the Supreme Court do not know what they are doing, while the Master of Law from the ministry knows. While the situation requires in-depth reflection and precise actions, we are dealing with misleading speeches of ignorants].

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2020). Such celebration of democracy. Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.. ISSN 2080-6744. s. D4–D4. Vis sammendrag

  [The last two months, from March 10 to May 10, 2020, will go down in Polish political history as one of the darkest periods. The ruling parties played cruelly at the expense of the citizens. Until Wednesday, May 6, they insisted that the presidential elections would be held on Sunday, May 10. And on Wednesday evening, obviously "without any procedure", two MPs announced that the elections were canceled ... [...] Although no law had been passed under which the elections were to be held, voting cards were already printed, there was some madness of collecting our address and personal data. And who did it, may be the National Electoral Commission? No, Mr. Sasin and the special services. And Polish Post was handed over to the former deputy minister of defense. Truly impartial entities guaranteeing full party integrity.]

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2020). [Taken into the hate zone]. Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.. ISSN 2080-6744. s. D2–D3. Vis sammendrag

  [The world does not understand what the ‘LGBT ideology’ is or why some municipalities should be free of it. I don't think even those who voted in favor of the infamous resolutions understand this.]

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2020). Courage of fake judges. Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.. ISSN 2080-6744. s. D3–D3. Vis sammendrag

  [The day after the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court deprived Judge Igor Tuleya of his immunity as a judge, I participated in an international seminar on the backsliding of the rule of law in Europe. Almost everyone knew the name of Tuleya, it became a symbol, the evidence of the brutal attack by the Polish authorities on courts and judges. The participants did not know the names of three people from the Disciplinary Chamber depriving Tuleya of immunity, but the French professor called them "fake judges" - fake judges from a fake court. [...] Judge Tuleya charged in a criminal case. Did he steal? Did he counterfeit? Did he beat someone up? Or maybe he caused 'the immediate danger of a land traffic disaster'? What had he done to engage the state machine to get him; that so many people had been delegated to this crucial episode? That it was dealt with by a special unit established by PiS to prosecute criminals in the justice system? Well, the charges brought against him by the investigators concern the public announcement of the verdict. By delivering oral motives, Tuleya was to override his powers, reveal the secret of the investigation (otherwise canceled). What did he dare to say? He quoted deputies' testimonies in the prosecutor's office. Moreover, he ordered the latter to resume the investigation and check whether those deputies were lying. Wait a minute ... Is it about a scandal in the Sejm four years ago, incl. about the scene when opposition MPs catch MPs from the government coalition signing attendance lists after the famous meeting in the column room? Including Zbigniew Ziobro, who is now chasing Judge Tuleya as the prosecutor general?]

• Bojarski, Lukasz (2019). [Bon ton in courts and tribunals]. Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.. ISSN 2080-6744. s. E4–E5. Vis sammendrag

  [What has happened so far allows us to hope that we will defend the independence of the judiciary. And if we do, we will be an example for the world. That it is possible, that it is really possible. Just as the history of 'Solidarność/Solidarity' that overthrew communism is known, so will the history of judges and lawyers who defended the independence of the judiciary. But the attitudes of the defenders of the judiciary are not the only ones. And although they may surprise you with their scale, level of courage and intensity, at least to me personally they seem natural. The attitudes of people who take part in an attack on the courts, or take advantage of the opportunity this attack creates for individual careers, seem to me to be more mysterious and intriguing. And we are not talking about politicians here. [...] Disapproval of unworthy behavior or social ostracism, in my opinion, has two dimensions. One is letting a specific person understand that we do not accept their choices. We want her to feel the importance of responsibility for her actions, we want to wake up her conscience, the guilty, and the will to repair. Here, moreover, an additional aspect, highly controversial for some, appears - such behavior also touches the relatives of the ostracized person. [...] But the second, equally important dimension, is the question of the assessment of behavior and deeds by history. It is impossible to ignore the attack on independent courts and the use of this situation by specific people. What a lesson would there be for the next generations? It must be clear that certain things are not appropriate].

Se alle arbeider i Cristin